geändert / updated: 17/04/08


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(Kabul; 10-03; p.2)

This mission is not an entirely new one but an extension of an old mandate onto this region. It is in accordance with resolutions of the UN security council and limited to a year (you will find the relevant documents of the German parliament for this mission in Bundestagsdrucksache 15/1700 and 15/1806).


Arguments for decisions

More interesting than the mission itself is its underlying rationality, i.e. the criteria for decision-finding.
Before 1998 this question did not come up, because West- and later all Germany neither could nor should project military power out of the state’s area. – It might be useful to remember in this respect that the FRG and the GDR became members of the United Nations not before 1973.

If at all or to what extent German politicians in fact could decide freely on the deployment of soldiers during the war of the NATO-states against Yugoslavia in 1998 has to be found out by further research.
– Provided, the decision was based on the attitude "make peace – if necessary with weapons", this has been revealed in the face of latest incidents in Iraq as an idealistic-technocratic delusion.
So, it becomes clear that the world after the Cold War is neither pacifyable nor governable. To establish peaceful conditions, lies therefore within the respective responsibility of state and societal actors.

Because of that, the German government’s stance is to be welcomed to use military power at most as ultima ratio to suppress resolving conflicts by violent means. – This stance is formulated in the government’s guide-lines for defence policy, the "Verteidigungspolitische Richtlinien".
Exactly this also the general direction of the Bundeswehr’s mission in Afghanistan and in addition, the government does spend money on the civil reconstruction of the country. – Military activities therefore remain embedded in a civil concept. (read on here)

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Struktur / sitemap 2003 (i)

Struktur / sitemap 2003 (ii)

Ausgaben / issues



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